By Sonny Iroche
Nigeria’s challenge is not necessarily that democracy itself has failed. The deeper question is whether the particular structure of government we have chosen is sustainable, efficient and appropriate for our circumstances.
I agree with those who argue that Nigeria should not simply imitate Western models of democracy without considering our own history, culture, economic realities and institutional capacity. But even if we decide to retain the presidential democratic system we currently operate, there is an urgent need to redesign it.
Nigeria simply cannot continue to carry the enormous cost of government that has developed over the years.
At a time when millions of citizens are being asked to endure economic reforms, higher living costs and declining purchasing power, government itself must demonstrate sacrifice. The Nigerian state must become smaller, smarter, more efficient and considerably less expensive.
The objective should not be to weaken government. It should be to make government work better, adopt technology and work smarter.
One place to begin is the size of the Federal Executive Council.
Nigeria’s Constitution currently requires the President to appoint at least one minister from every state. Section 147(3) therefore effectively creates a constitutional floor of 36 state-based ministerial appointments.
This provision deserves reconsideration. Why must ministerial appointments be used as an instrument of geographical representation? Federal character can remain an important principle in public appointments without requiring every state to produce a cabinet minister.
Nigeria could amend the Constitution and establish a lean federal cabinet of perhaps no more than 15 substantive ministers. Several portfolios could be consolidated under larger, strategically designed ministries.
The President could still appoint ministers of state or senior officials where absolutely necessary, but the principle should be clear: the cabinet exists primarily to administer the country, not to distribute political patronage.
The same logic should apply to the legislature. Nigeria currently operates a bicameral National Assembly consisting of a 109-member Senate and a 360-member House of Representatives.
We should seriously debate whether Nigeria still requires two federal legislative chambers.
A unicameral National Assembly, properly designed to preserve federal representation, could substantially reduce duplication, bureaucracy and cost. Bills currently pass through two legislative chambers, each with its own leadership structure, committees, staff, offices and administrative machinery.
Other federations may have strong reasons for maintaining bicameral systems. Nigeria must ask whether ours produces benefits proportionate to its cost.
The executive branch also suffers from unnecessary duplication. There should be a serious conversation about whether a President requires both a Chief of Staff and Secretary to the Government of the Federation surrounded by extensive bureaucracies. Responsibilities should be clearly defined, overlapping functions removed and unnecessary offices eliminated.
The same principle should govern presidential advisers.
A President cannot personally coordinate dozens of advisers, senior special assistants, special assistants and other political appointees without creating overlapping responsibilities and competing centres of authority.
The number of direct presidential advisers could be drastically reduced, perhaps to three or another tightly defined number, while technical expertise is housed within professional ministries, departments and agencies.
We must similarly examine the armies of aides attached to legislators, ministers, political office holders and other senior public officials.
Government employment should not become an extension of political patronage.
Every publicly funded position should answer a straightforward question: what measurable value does this office add to governance?
This reform must not stop in Abuja. It should cascade to the 36 states and the 774 local government areas.
Governors should operate lean cabinets. State legislatures should reduce overheads. Local governments should eliminate unnecessary political appointments and focus resources on primary healthcare, sanitation, roads, education, markets, water and other services citizens experience directly.
The long-delayed implementation of the Stephen Oronsaye Report is therefore critical. The Oronsaye Committee was established to examine the rationalisation of federal government agencies and later recommended the abolition or merger of numerous agencies with overlapping responsibilities. In February 2024, the Federal Executive Council approved implementation of significant aspects of the report, including mergers, relocations and restructuring of agencies.
Yet implementation has remained slow, and concerns persist that new agencies with overlapping mandates continue to emerge even while government speaks about rationalisation.
Nigeria needs implementation, not another committee.
Every ministry, department, commission, board and agency should undergo a zero-based review. Agencies whose functions duplicate those of ministries should be merged or abolished. Institutions created for problems that no longer exist should be closed.
Political remuneration must also be addressed. Public service should remain respectable and adequately compensated, but political office must not become one of the most financially attractive professions in a poor country.
Salaries and allowances of political appointees and legislators should therefore be reviewed substantially.
For legislators in particular, attendance and participation should form part of compensation and performance assessment. A modified pay-as-you-sit or pay-for-performance structure could be considered for relevant allowances.
Citizens regularly see legislative chambers with large numbers of empty seats during proceedings. If attendance is compulsory in almost every serious workplace, parliamentary responsibility should not be an exception.
Technology provides another major opportunity for reducing government costs. Nigeria should aggressively digitise procurement, budgeting, payroll, licensing, tax administration and government payments.
Artificial intelligence and advanced analytics can increasingly be deployed to identify duplicate payments, suspicious procurement patterns, ghost workers, inflated contracts and unusual financial transactions.
Government should become digital by default. A leaner government, however, cannot succeed without improving technology and leadership recruitment.
This may ultimately be Nigeria’s most important reform. We must build institutions that reward competence, character, knowledge and proven performance rather than ethnicity, political loyalty, wealth or personal connections.
Political parties should develop stronger internal systems for identifying and preparing capable leaders. Candidate selection should become more transparent. Public debates, disclosure requirements and scrutiny of competence should become more rigorous.
Nigeria needs fewer political offices, but it also needs better people occupying them.
The choice before us is therefore not simply between Western democracy and some alternative political system.
We can retain democracy while reforming its architecture.
We can preserve representation while reducing duplication.
We can maintain federalism without turning every federal appointment into an entitlement.
And we can have strong government without having an unnecessarily large government.
Nigeria’s fiscal circumstances demand a new governing philosophy: fewer offices, fewer agencies, fewer advisers, fewer privileges and far greater accountability.
Government should consume less so that development can receive more. Hospitals, schools, electricity, security, infrastructure and technology should compete less with the administrative cost of maintaining government itself.
A lean government is not merely about saving money.
It is about reducing opportunities for leakage, corruption, patronage and waste. More importantly, it is about rebuilding the relationship between Nigerian citizens and the state.
Leadership must demonstrate that the sacrifices demanded of the people are also being made by those who govern them.That is how reform acquires credibility.
And that is how democracy begins to deliver.
NB: Sonny Iroche is a finance executive, board director, artificial intelligence strategist and public policy contributor. He is the Executive Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of GenAI Learning Concepts Ltd and writes on governance, economics, artificial intelligence, strategy and Africa’s technological future.
